Russian presidential candidate Alexei Navalny: 2018 elections On March 18, 2018, on the third Sunday of the month, elections for the President of Russia should take place. The head of state will be elected by universal secret ballot for a six-year term. This could be the current President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, or another candidate for whom Russians will give the largest number of votes. Currently there is […]

Russian presidential candidate Alexei Navalny: 2018 elections

On March 18, 2018, on the third Sunday of the month, the elections of the President of Russia should take place. The head of state will be elected by universal secret ballot for a six-year term. This could be the current President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, or another candidate for whom Russians will give the largest number of votes.
There are currently more than ten possible candidates for the upcoming elections. The most recognizable among them are the chairman of the LDPR Vladimir Zhirinovsky, the leader of the Yabloko party Grigory Yavlinsky, the chairman of the opposition Progress Party and the creator of the Anti-Corruption Foundation Alexei Navalny.

Russian presidential candidate Alexei Navalny

The latter became known, among other things, due to his active activities on the Internet. Alexey Navalny, a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation, uses YouTube video hosting, the Twitter microblog, Live Journal and social networks to promote his ideas to the masses.
The opposition politician announced his intention to take part in the Russian presidential elections in December 2016. According to the head of FBK himself, he thought for a long time about his decision to participate in the fight for the post of head of state. Does Navalny consider the 2018 elections a new challenge for himself, or does he really intend to change the future of all Russians?

What the new candidate offers: Navalny’s 2018 presidential program

There is information in the public domain about what Alexei Navalny proposes; the candidate’s program involves eliminating economic inequality in the country through a number of innovations.
In particular, the oppositionist promises to exempt individual entrepreneurs with small incomes from taxes, and to establish a minimum salary of 25 thousand rubles for employed people. Navalny is banking on a broad segment of the population – ordinary citizens. This populist method is used by politicians to gain the trust of the people in the absence of real results.

Navalny's program for President of the Russian Federation

Navalny's 2018 presidential program involves allocating a larger portion of the budget than previously to the needs of hospitals, schools and roads. In addition, the head of FBK is going to deprive Moscow of a number of powers to manage funds and transfer them to the regions of the country.
Navalny also calls for an end to support for Syrian troops in the fight against global terrorism. He believes that Russia should expand trade with Syria instead of providing it with military and humanitarian assistance.

Navalny as the opposition to Putin: is everything so smooth in the candidate’s program?

Navalny's 2018 presidential program raises many questions, the main one being a colossal lack of specifics. If a politician promises to set the minimum wage at 25 thousand rubles, then why does he name exactly this amount?
Or, for example, the oppositionist believes that increasing health care spending will ensure a modern level of medical services. Navalny did not explain on what grounds such a conclusion was made, which means that for now it will only be an assumption.
The anti-corruption part of Navalny’s program is also uninformative. It says that the head of FBK has prepared a package of new bills, but their essence is not disclosed.
Moreover, while focusing on economic inequality, Navalny did not mention important problems, which is very strange for a presidential candidate. For example, in the part about overcoming international isolation, there is not a word about the status of Crimea. The text does not address the problems of human rights, the penal system, or social inequality.

Speech by Alexei Navalny in Moscow

Ordinary citizens, whom Navalny is targeting, are unlikely to notice logical and factual errors in the text of the oppositionist’s election program. Manipulated data, erroneous calculations, gross exaggeration of real statistics - these are just some of the techniques that the head of the FBK used when drawing up the candidate’s program.
Can a candidate who was so negligent in preparing his program somehow represent the opposition to Putin? Even maintaining a video blog and regular attempts to “get on TV,” not to mention organizing rallies in Russian cities, all this makes Navalny a populist playing with the masses.
Other candidates do not allow themselves to resort to such “tricks,” because they know that attempts to artificially inflate their popularity can cut off a politician’s career in the bud.

Navalny says little about Putin, but keeps an eye on his circle

Over the many years of his opposition activities, Alexei Navalny became involved in a number of conflicts and scandalous situations. As for his attitude towards the Russian leadership, Navalny says little about Putin, but he is actively trying to discredit his entourage.

Vladimir Putin and Alexei Navalny

After his announcement about participation in the presidential elections, Navalny, together with his team, began to release videos allegedly exposing the authorities of the Russian Federation. In one of them - an investigation into Prime Minister Medvedev - the oppositionist accused oligarch Alisher Usmanov of bribery, tax evasion, illegal privatization of assets and even rape.
The billionaire responded to the attack in his direction and demanded that the head of FBK refute what he said in the video. A correspondence debate ensued between Usmanov and Navalny. Things got to the point where the oligarch filed a lawsuit against the oppositionist, as a result of which the court sided with the former.

In other words, Usmanov defeated Navalny, who slandered him without providing any clear evidence, strictly according to the law. And if the court recognized Navalny’s slander against Usmanov, then we can conclude that the head of the FBK is slandering the entire Russian government.

Alexei Navalny - President 2018 or a repeat offender of our time?

By the way, this is not the first time that Navalny has found himself in court as a defendant: other high-profile cases have been brought against him. For example, the Yves Rocher case, which is widely known. Alexei Navalny and his brother Oleg were accused of fraud and money laundering. The prosecutor's office demanded ten years in prison for both brothers, but the head of the FBK got off with a suspended sentence.
Also, the opposition politician was involved in the process of stealing the property of the state-owned enterprise Kirovles. Navalny and his accomplice, who resold timber purchased at bargain prices at exorbitant prices, were sentenced to several years in prison, but this was later replaced with a suspended sentence.
Despite the fact that Alexei Navalny, a presidential candidate, was able to avoid prison, he regularly breaks the law. The oppositionist himself admits that in Russia he is a repeat offender, which means that the road to participation in the presidential elections is closed to him.

Opposition politician Alexei Navalny in custody

It is worth noting that in Russia no one prohibits Navalny from engaging in political activities and nominating himself as a candidate for the post of head of state. No one limits him; he is given complete freedom of action. In accordance with the current legislation of the Russian Federation, a politician will be able to run for president only in 2033, ten years after his criminal record has been expunged.

Russia is a rich country, but the vast majority of citizens are poor. 88% of the national wealth belongs to 0.1% of the population, oligarchs and top officials. Inequality and injustice became the basis of the system in Russia.

• Oligarchs, whose fortunes are made from the resale of raw materials and government contracts, as well as participants in loans-for-shares auctions, must pay a large one-time tax, which compensates for the injustice of privatization and the last years of the country’s life. (A similar tax was successfully implemented in the UK in 1997.)
• Only economic growth will increase prosperity for everyone, and it is impossible without a radical reduction in the bureaucracy that is destroying business in Russia.
• Sole proprietors with small incomes should be completely exempt from taxes, regulations and reporting.
• In Russia, a minimum wage should be established - 25 thousand rubles per month. The minimum pension should be higher than the subsistence level.
• Radical de-bureaucratization of housing construction will reduce housing prices. Subsidizing mortgage rates will provide any family with two working adults with the opportunity to get a mortgage at 3% per annum.

Alexey Navalny is not associated with the oligarchs who received huge fortunes as a result of loans-for-shares auctions. He will be able to conduct economic policy in the interests of Russian citizens, and not officials, oligarchs or security officials.
Navalny and a team of leading economists have developed a program of active measures to smooth out the huge social inequality in Russia. He proposes to create equal conditions and opportunities for everyone who is ready to work honestly and earn money. These measures include a high tax on excess income, increasing the transparency of state corporations, and reducing the tax burden on small businesses and self-employed Russians.

It's time to choose: fight corruption, not put up with theft

Corruption and widespread theft by officials are the main problem of modern Russia. Corruption has been defeated in many countries, and it can be defeated here too.

• Combating illicit enrichment. If an official leads a luxurious lifestyle, his expenses are clearly more than his legal income and he cannot explain the origin of the money, a criminal case should be brought against him.
• Anti-corruption processes must be conducted publicly and transparently. No one should evade responsibility, as was the case with Serdyukov and Vasilyeva.
• Transparency in state-owned companies. Alexey Navalny and FBK have developed a package of bills, thanks to which state-owned companies will cease to be feeders for relatives and friends of senior government officials.
• If the media publishes facts about the corruption of an official, he is obliged to refute them or resign and be subject to criminal prosecution.
• Adoption of the FBK bill on combating corruption in government procurement, where now, according to official data from the Accounts Chamber, over 1.5 trillion rubles are stolen annually.
• Full disclosure of the ultimate owners of all companies supplying services and goods to the state and state-owned companies.

Even his ill-wishers recognize Alexei Navalny as the best anti-corruption expert in Russia. Thanks to the work of Navalny and his Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK), numerous facts of theft by officials were revealed. FBK's many years of experience allowed Alexei Navalny to develop a program of decisive and effective measures to defeat corruption. This program is formulated in the form of specific, well-developed bills.

It's time to choose: hospitals and roads, not palaces of officials

Russia's main wealth is its people. Petrodollars should be used to create modern infrastructure - hospitals, schools, roads, and not to build luxurious palaces for officials. It is unacceptable that in Russia of the 21st century, millions of people still live without accessible medicine, without normal roads, without quality housing and communal services.

• Health care expenditures must double to provide modern levels of medical services.
• Europe and the USA are increasingly moving towards free education. In Russia we are moving towards paid services. This is absurd. On the contrary, it is profitable for us to teach people and spend any money on it.
• Teachers should be teaching children, not spending 80% of their time on meaningless paper reports.
• Priority budget investments should be aimed at bringing Russia's road and railway network, stuck in the past, into a state suitable for the 21st century.

Alexei Navalny believes that the first step is to ensure a basic standard of quality of life. Because it’s a shame to pool together money for the treatment of children, while officials openly buy yachts and palaces for themselves. It is a shame that the word “pensioner” in Russia is actually equated with the word “beggar”.
Budget options are always limited, so it is important to set priorities correctly. Modern hospitals, quality schools, safe roads are the best investment in the future of the country.

It's time to choose: economic development, not political isolation

In the modern world, it is more profitable to be friends and trade than to fight. Russia needs to use its unique position between Europe and Asia to become a respected partner for all. In the modern world, a country whose citizens live freely and in abundance is respected.

• The hundreds of billions that Russia is now throwing away on wars in Syria and Ukraine, and on helping distant countries, would be better spent on improving life at home.
• Our country benefits from political and economic rapprochement with prosperous European countries.
• Russia needs a visa regime with Central Asia and the countries of Transcaucasia. Labor migrants should come on work visas, and not uncontrolled, as now.
• Russia should be a leading country in Europe and Asia. The country must expand its influence through economic power and cultural expansion, including support for the Russian language throughout the world.

Alexei Navalny has been advocating for a visa regime with the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus for many years, and for equal cooperation with the European Union. Guest workers must come only on work visas, to a specific employer, to a specific workplace, where they really cannot be avoided. For the whole world, Russia must become an economically attractive country with which everyone wants to cooperate and which everyone respects, because its citizens live with dignity and wealth.

It's time to choose: justice for all, not the arbitrariness of the security forces

Without an independent and fair court there can be no successful business, no fair elections, or simply a normal life. While security forces operate on the principle of “hand washes hand,” citizens cannot feel at home in their own country.

• Judicial reform is a top priority. Without it, there will be no other reform and nothing will work. We will make judges respected and truly independent.
• The police must once again become an agency that people trust rather than fear; Police service should be prestigious and well paid.
• Grassroots policing is key; it must be well-funded and freed from much of the useless reporting.
• The security forces must be deprived of excessive powers, which now allow them to impose taxes on entrepreneurs. The security forces will receive a decent salary for the work they are supposed to do.

Alexei Navalny is a lawyer and knows well that the principles of the rule of law and equality of all before the law are fundamental. Together with his team, Navalny developed a judicial reform project that will eradicate “telephone law” in the courts and give judges the opportunity to work based on the law, and not on the opinion of their superiors. Thanks to Navalny's judicial reform, justice will return to the courts. The court will not take the side of the strong, but the side of the one who has the truth.
Restoring justice in the country must begin with honest courts and police officers.

Alexei Navalny is perhaps one of the most scandalous candidates for the presidency of the Russian Federation. Despite 16 high-profile criminal cases and a pro-European position, he may well become the No. 1 leader in the 2018 vote. To understand what Navalny’s chances are in the elections, it is necessary to consider in more detail not only the personal qualities of the politician, but also the election program, advantages over rivals, public and Kremlin sentiments.

Brief biography: social activities

Alexey Anatolyevich gained all-Russian fame in 2008 after publishing on his blog evidence of large-scale thefts by state corporations Rosneft, Gazpromneft, Transneft and Gazprom. His training as a lawyer allowed him to create an organization to protect common shareholders and conduct litigation to bring accountability and transparency to these companies.

Since 2013, Navalny's anti-corruption projects have received a “response” from the authorities in the form of criminal prosecutions. The most resonant “Kirovles case” was overturned by the ECHR and the Supreme Court of Russia. Alexey himself does not intend to refuse to participate in the presidential elections, despite constant pressure.

Navalny's presidential program

Official site 2018.navalny.com contains a section with a list of basic points of the candidate’s election campaign. The future implementation of plans is as follows:

A decent life for every citizen of the Russian Federation

1. Collection of a one-time tax from the aligarchs, compensating for illegal privatization throughout the country's independence.
2. Reducing bureaucracy.
3. Exemption from taxes and reporting for private entrepreneurs with low income.
4. Minimum salary – 25 thousand rubles. The minimum pension is more than the subsistence level.
5. Reduced housing costs. Mortgage rates are no more than 3% per annum.

Fight against corruption

1. Initiation of criminal cases against officials whose expenses do not correspond to their income.
2. Publicity and openness of all anti-corruption processes.
3. Prohibition for officials to employ their relatives, friends, etc. in government positions.
4. Anti-corruption reform in government procurement, including disclosure of all ultimate owners providing goods/services to the state.

Education, healthcare, infrastructure

1. Allocation of 2 times more funds from the budget for health care.
2. Free education.
3. Freeing teachers from meaningless reporting.
4. Directing investments towards the construction of safe roads and railways, new schools and hospitals that meet modern standards.

Decentralization

1. The bulk of taxes should remain local.
2. Expanding the rights and resources of local governments to effectively resolve issues of local importance.

State development

1. Stop funding wars and aid in distant countries. This money should go to the welfare of Russians.
2. The rapprochement of political and economic ties with the European Union.
3. Introduction of a visa regime with the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus for the legalization of labor migrants.
4. Expanding Russia's influence through economic and cultural power.

Judges and security forces

1. Judicial reform. Independent, well-paid judges and prosecutors.
2. Police reform. Prestigious profession, high salary. Funding for grassroots units, liberation from unnecessary reporting and powers allowing for extortion.

This is what Navalny’s preliminary presidential program looks like. At the moment, Alexey’s official website is collecting 300 thousand signatures at the election commission in order to gain the right to participate in the 2018 vote.

Navalny's chances in the elections

To a large extent, Alexei’s success depends on which candidates will take part in the race for the presidency. Recently, according to a “leak” of information from Kiriyenko’s meetings with Kremlin political scientists, it became known that V.V. Putin intends to run for a 4th term. Therefore, the further outcome of the elections is quite predictable.

Many media outlets have stated that the presidential administration is looking for a serious “sparring partner” for Putin (candidate No. 2), capable of pushing aside traditional competitors, making the voting interesting to increase turnout, and secretly working for Vladimir Vladimirovich’s victory.

At the end of 2016, the media launched an intensive PR campaign for the current speaker of the State Duma, V. Volodin. According to the Bloomberg agency, a politician’s entry into the public space is nothing more than the nomination of Putin’s “successor” (candidate No. 2) for elections.

But the Kremlin realized that it was unrealistic to “promote” a new politician in a year and decided to bring A. Navalny into the game. It is ideal for competition based on the following criteria:

• High-profile criminal cases make it possible to resume them at any time and “remove” Alexei from big politics.
• The candidate will strike at “protest” opponents Zhirinovsky and Zyuganov.
• The pro-Ukrainian position, support for the Maidan and connections with anti-Russian characters will once again remind voters of the threat from the West, raising Putin’s image and eliminating the possibility of a second round.
• Navalny can win over the liberal electorate, taking away a significant part of the votes from parliamentary parties.

Participants in meetings with Kiriyenko spilled the beans to the media about the plans of the Kremlin administration. Voter turnout should be about 75%, thanks to the intrigue with Navalny. V.V. Putin must win in the 1st round with a clear lead - more than 70% of the votes. To “insure” against possible votes being taken by other opponents, “gray cardinals” - representatives of various social interests: I. Strelkov, A. Zaldostanov, V. Milonov, etc. will be put up for election.

The beginning of the “promotion” of candidate No. 2

The Kremlin launched a PR campaign for Navalny at the end of 2016. Widespread discussion of the “Kirovles case” has acquired a different color. Alexey refuses to take part in new trials without a decision from the ECHR. The main theme of the media is “boosting” power. She allegedly got scared and is trying to put a spoke in the oppositionist’s wheels by any means possible. The fact that a candidate poses a danger to the authorities adds political weight and fame to him.

After a long silence, information sources begin to publish new accusations by Navalny of the oligarchs Abramov and Abramovich for tax evasion, neglect of the country’s interests, etc. Anti-corruption activities fade into the background and the fight for justice begins - the most pressing topic for most citizens. This “maneuver” is used to expand the social base of voters.

Navalny's documentary: an investigation into the business and criminal connections of the sons of the Russian Prosecutor General Artem and Igor Chaek.

Alexey Navalny proposes to exempt small businesses from taxes, liquidate the Pension Fund, create a special service to combat corruption and abolish the draft. Experts interviewed by RBC assessed the main provisions of the politician’s program.

The founder of the Anti-Corruption Foundation, Alexei Navalny, a year after announcing his intentions to run for president, announced the program with which he plans to run in the elections if he is registered as a candidate. The head of the CEC, Ella Pamfilova, previously warned that the politician would be able to register only after his criminal record was cleared.

Economy

Navalny proposed liquidating the Russian Pension Fund and, on its basis, creating “the world’s largest investor fund,” similar to the Norwegian sovereign fund Government Pension Fund Global. The latter invests the Norwegian government's oil and gas revenues in assets around the world. “It sounds like populism, but nothing more,” says Yuri Gorlin, deputy director of the Institute of Social Analysis and Forecasting at RANEPA. “Alexey Navalny is liquidating the Pension Fund, but how should pensions be paid to today’s pensioners? Who will handle this function? - the expert argues.

The oppositionist proposes to transfer funds from the National Welfare Fund, shares of publicly traded state-owned companies and their dividends, as well as proceeds from privatization to the new pension fund. “Suddenly it will happen that next year the income of Rosneft or Gazprom, which Navalny is talking about, will not allow paying dividends for some reason. How do we make it stationary?” - says Gorlin. According to him, the idea of ​​directing part of the additional income of state-owned companies to the reserve of the pension system to ensure greater growth in pensions and smooth out fluctuations in the income of the pension system has been reproduced many times, “but this should be systematically based on dividend policy or through an increase in income tax or other taxes, but not breaking the current insurance system.”

Transforming the Pension Fund into an analogue of the Norwegian fund will not lead to a good result, agrees Oleg Buklemishev, director of the Center for Economic Policy Research at the Faculty of Economics of Moscow State University. The role of the Norwegian fund in Russia was intended to be played by the National Welfare Fund (NWF), the economist recalls, but the NWF did not materialize in this status. “That is, the experience of centralized investments for pension purposes in Russia has essentially failed,” notes Buklemishev.

Increasing the minimum wage to 25 thousand rubles. - another Navalny idea - “exceeds the capabilities of business and the state,” Buklemishev believes. In order to increase employee salaries several times, entrepreneurs will have to either comply with the law and fire a significant part of them, or transfer them to a shadow form of employment, to which “there are serious inclinations,” the economist says.

The distribution of income equally between the federal center and the regions, as Navalny proposes, requires serious corrective measures, Buklemishev believes: “Let me remind you that 50 to 50 is the ratio of the times of President Yeltsin. Now, of course, it is biased in favor of the center, but imagine that we change it through some taxes, and it will turn out that the richest regions will receive additional money, and the poorest will become even relatively poorer.”

Increasing the minimum wage, pension reform and redistribution of tax revenues between the federal center and the regions are “absolutely reasonable economic ideas,” says Georgiy Ostapkovich, director of the Center for Market Research at the Higher School of Economics. “I think that the future government will raise these same questions, and in principle these are not extremist proposals at all,” says Ostapkovich. But the idea of ​​transferring funds from the National Welfare Fund there “looks populist,” and comparing Russian and Norwegian economic realities is “incorrect.” According to Ostapkovich, achieving a minimum wage of 25 thousand rubles. “absolutely real”, the government will come to similar figures in a few years. “If we allow unemployment to increase to 8–9%, then we can raise the minimum wage to 25 thousand. Such an increase in wages will take people out of the market. I don’t see anything wrong with this,” the economist reflects, stipulating that “we have a socially oriented state and people should receive at least some salary, but not be unemployed.”

Fight against corruption

To effectively combat corruption, the oppositionist proposes to establish a special independent structure that will not be part of the law enforcement system. Navalny also insists on ratifying the UN Convention against Corruption and proposes transferring state-owned companies, along with other state assets, under the control of a special fund under a structure that will replace the Pension Fund, as well as reducing the presence of the state in the economy, introducing and tightening laws on the disclosure of conflicts of interest and lobbying.

“He is absolutely right about the conflict of interest. Controlling affiliates and introducing regulations that would more strictly control this is really necessary. This also includes lobbying and an increase in the statute of limitations [for corruption crimes from 10 to 20 years],” Elena Panfilova, head of the design and educational laboratory for anti-corruption policy at the National Research University Higher School of Economics, said in an interview with RBC.

Panfilova noted that the program is missing a part related to the system of protecting the applicant for corruption. This part has been ratified by Russia, but is being implemented “not very well.” “The applicant has problems, because most often the applicant entrepreneurs become victims of “return” - Art. 159 of the Criminal Code (fraud),” Panfilova explained.

Commenting on Navalny's proposed establishment of an independent anti-corruption structure, Panfilova noted that Russia needs a structure that would “primarily deal with coordination.” “The investigation will remain with the investigation, prosecutorial functions will remain with the prosecutors, but we need to make sure that they do this according to a certain unified program and a unified system - this would be good,” the expert explained.

Foreign policy

In terms of foreign policy, the oppositionist proposes to make peace with the rest of the world, stop the “aggression against Ukraine” and thus achieve the lifting of sanctions. For the problem of Crimea, the politician proposes to find a “legitimate solution in favor of the local population.” Navalny also advocates the introduction of a visa regime for Central Asian countries.

“He [Navalny] does not want to associate himself with the annexation of Crimea and at the same time does not want to oppose it. If any referendum is held, the majority will support remaining part of Russia. For the Russian authorities, a referendum is unacceptable for reasons of prestige, but for Navalny there is no problem here, since he did not annex,” political scientist Alexei Makarkin told RBC.

According to Makarkin, the program raises many questions about the mechanisms, but it will suit his audience. She [the audience] wants us to come to an agreement with the Europeans and keep Crimea for ourselves,” the political scientist explained.

The expert saw contradictions in Navalny’s proposal to introduce a visa regime with the countries of Central Asia. “His proposal on a visa regime completely contradicts the proposal on integration in the post-Soviet space. On the one hand, he is for integration in the post-Soviet space, and on the other, for the visa regime. There is a contradiction in this, but for his voter there is none. In this case, Navalny follows his voter, who wants both,” Makarkin noted.

Other initiatives

In his program, Navalny also proposes to reduce the state apparatus, minimize government control over business, give more powers to the regions, guarantee the independence of the judicial system, mitigate penalties for a number of crimes, return to a four-year presidential term, abolish conscription and a number of other initiatives.

President of the International Institute of Political Expertise Evgeny Minchenko, in a conversation with RBC, called Navalny’s program “typical social populism, designed for a very undemanding public.”

“One of the advantages of the program is that there are no hooks to cling to, for example, the issues of Crimea, relations with the West - everything is tied specifically to social issues. Social populism in the style of early Zhirinovsky, but without the national question,” Minchenko said.

He noted that Navalny does not explain his initiatives. “Double (increase spending) on ​​education, double on health care. Why twice? Not explained. 25 thousand rubles. - minimal salary. Why not 20 thousand or 30 thousand rubles? There are not even attempts [to explain]. It will be better - there will be more money,” the expert explained.

Nevertheless, Navalny’s election program “has much less populism and radical measures than expected,” said Kirill Titaev, a leading researcher at the Institute of Law Enforcement Problems at the European University. The program does not contain solutions to some important problems, for example, rebooting the judicial system, but the key ideas indicate that the work has been carried out quite seriously, Titaev is sure.

“A dubious and utopian idea,” according to Titaev, is the proposal to elect judges. “In Russia this is an unrealistic measure, given the low turnout in elections. This measure is rather harmful, since it will create pseudo-legitimacy for pre-agreed candidates,” the expert explained. Navalny’s proposal for a “total revision of legislation” speaks of “not a very correct understanding of how law enforcement agencies work,” Titaev concluded.

Navalny chose the wrong time to publish his program, Andrei Kolesnikov, head of the Russian Domestic Politics and Political Institutions program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, told RBC. Now, the expert says, “everyone is going crazy” about Putin’s press conference tomorrow. “If he [Alexey Navalny] wanted to interrupt it in the information space, then this obviously will not work, and the effect of its [program] appearance is blurred,” Kolesnikov told RBC.

Alexei Navalny is a well-known Russian oppositionist who has gained unprecedented popularity over the past few months thanks to the investigative film “He’s Not Dimon.” In it, FBK exposes the corrupt activities of Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. Nowadays, Navalny and his activities are known not only in the Russian Federation, but also far beyond its borders.

Alexei Navalny and the 2018 presidential elections

Alexei Navalny will participate in the 2018 presidential elections. Previously, the majority was skeptical about the participation of the oppositionist in the upcoming elections. However, now Alexei Navalny has received enormous support from the people. This is evidenced by the fact that in total more than 150 thousand citizens came out to the prohibited mass protests on March 26, which were organized by the oppositionist.

The founder of FBK was one of the first to present his election program. What will Alexey Navalny do if he does become president? You can find out the answer to this question by reading this article.

Navalny's presidential program 2018

The main leitmotif of Navalny’s 2018 presidential program is the fight against corruption. According to the oppositionist, brazen theft of the servants of the people is the main problem of today's Russia. However, the country may well get rid of this disease. To achieve this, Alexey Navalny proposes the following measures:

• If a civil servant leads a lifestyle that clearly does not correspond to his legal income, then in this case the deputy is obliged to explain himself. If the official cannot prove the legality of his additional income, then a criminal trial begins.
• If the media accuses an official of corruption, then in this case the civil servant must refute the information published. Otherwise, the servant of the people is removed from office, and a criminal case is opened against him.
• Anti-corruption cases should be carried out with maximum publicity. Corrupt officials must not escape justice.

In addition, Navalny, together with FBK, developed a whole set of laws that are aimed at making state-owned companies as transparent as possible. The founder of FBK wants to remove from management people who use state-owned companies as their feeding trough. The oppositionist also plans to fight corruption in government procurement.

Fight inequality

According to Navalny, at the moment more than 88% of the national bank belongs to a narrow circle of people. Because of this, people are poor. To correct this and combat inequality, the founder of FBK suggests the following:

• Impose a large one-time tax on the oligarchs who make money from the resale of raw materials and government contracts. According to the oppositionist, in this way it is possible to compensate for the injustice that arose due to the privatization of the 90s.
• Raise and develop business. To this end, Navalny plans to exempt individual entrepreneurs with a small income from reporting and taxes.
• Increase the minimum wage to 25 thousand. Navalny is confident that this step is completely feasible. As an example, he cites poor countries in which the average salary is higher than in modern Russia. With all this, the oppositionist plans to ensure that the size of the pension exceeds the subsistence level.

The founder of FBK declares that he will pursue the country’s economic policy in the interests of the Russian people. After all, the oppositionist is not associated with the oligarchs and, accordingly, is unbiased.

Foreign policy

The oppositionist believes that Russia should use its advantageous location between Asia and Europe. Navalny wants rapprochement with European countries that are successful both economically and politically. Thus, Russia must become a respected partner and cooperate with the European Union on equal terms.

In addition, the oppositionist has been advocating for many years the introduction of a visa regime with Transcaucasia and Central Asia. Navalny is convinced that opening borders to poor Asian countries is unprofitable, and labor migrants are required to enter the country on special work visas.

One of the mottos of Navalny’s 2018 election program: “It’s better to trade than to fight.” Alexei Navalny intends to use the billions that are used to wage war in Syria and Ukraine to strengthen the economy and improve the lives of ordinary people.