The February Revolution in a brief presentation will help you to get together with the thoughts before the exam and remember that you remember from this topic, and what is not. This historical event was a sign for the history of Russia. She opened the door to further revolutionary shocks that ended not soon. Without assimilation of this topic, it is pointless to try to understand further events.

It is worth saying that the events of February 1917 are very important for modern Russia. In this, 2017, executables from those events. I think that the country has the same problems as before the Tsarist Russia then: the monstrously low standard of living of the population, the density attitude of the authorities to its people, which these authorities feed; The absence of will and desire to change something in a positive side. But then there were no TVs ... What do you think about this - write in the comments.

Causes of the February Revolution

The inability of the authorities to solve a number of crises faced by the state during the First World War:

• Transport crisis: due to the extremely small length of railways, there has been a shortage of transport.
• Food crisis: There was extremely low yield in the country, plus the peasant mallet and the ineffectiveness of the noble estates led to a distinguished food situation. Hunger has hardened in the country.
• Armory crisis: Three more than a year, the army experienced a cruel deficit of ammunition. Only by the end of 1916 the Russian industry began to work in the scale necessary for the country.
• Olliness in Russia of the worker and peasant question. The share of the proletariat and a qualified working class increased by many times compared to the first years of the reign of Nicholas of the second. The question was not resolved about the work of children or about insurance of labor. The salary was extremely low. If we talk about the peasants, then the little-earth persisted. Plus, in wartime, worst crosses from the population, mobilized all horses and people. The people did not understand what to fight and did not share the patriotism, who experienced tops in the early years of the war.
• The crisis of the tops: only in 1916 several high-ranking ministers changed, which gave a reason to the prominent Right V.M. Purishkevich call this phenomenon of the Ministerial Czechhard. This expression has become a winged.

The distrust of the simple people, and the members of the State Duma, even more increased due to the court of Gregory Rasputin. About the royal family went shameful rumors. Only on December 30, 1916, Rasputin was killed.

The government tried to solve all these crises, but unsuccessfully. The convened special meetings of success did not have. Since 1915, Nikolai second took the command of the troops on himself, despite the fact that he himself was in the rank of Colonel.

In addition, at least from January 1917, a conspiracy against the king in the medium of the senior general of the army (General M.V. Alekseev, V.I. Gurko, etc.) and the fourth State Duma (Cadet A.I. Guccov, etc. ). The king himself knew suspected of a preparing coup. And even ordered in mid-February 1917 to strengthen the Petrograd garrison due to the faithful parts from the front. He had to give this order three times, because General Gurko was in a hurry with his execution. As a result, this order was never fulfilled. Thus, this example shows the sabotage of the Emperor's orders from the Supreme General General.

Course of events

The course of the events of the February Revolution was characterized by the following moments:

• The beginning of the elemental unrest of the people in Petrograd and a number of other cities, presumably due to an acute food shortage on International Women's Day (according to the old style - February 23).
• Transition to the side of the rebel army. It consisted of the same workers and peasants who acutely understood the need for change.
• Immediately there were slogans of the "Down of the Tsar", "Down of the Autocracy", which predetermined the fall of the monarchy.
• Parallel authorities began to arise: the advice of workers, peasant and soldiers' deputies, according to the experience of the first Russian revolution.
• On February 28, the Temporary Committee of the State Duma announced the transition of power into his own hands due to the cessation of the functioning of the Golitsyn government.
• March 1 This committee received recognition of England and France. On March 2, representatives of the Committee went to the king, who was renounced in favor of Brother Mikhail Alexandrovich, and that on March 3 - in favor of the temporary government.

Results of the revolution

• Monarchy in Russia fell. Russia has become the parliamentary republic.
• Power switched to the bourgeois temporary government and advice, many believe that boldness began. But in fact there was no dwellery. Here the mass of the nuances that I revealed in my video course "History. Preparation for the exam on 100 points. "
• Many consider this revolution as the first step .

Sincerely, Andrei Puchkov

By the evening, on February 27, on the side of the rebels, almost the entire composition of the Petrograd garrison was transferred - about 160 thousand people. The commander of the Petrograd Military District, General Habalov, is forced to inform Nicholas II: "I ask to report to His imperial Majesty, which I could not fulfill the command of restoring order in the capital. Most of the parts, one behind others, changed their debt, refusing to fight against the rebels. "

There was no continuation and idea of \u200b\u200bthe "carpentry", which provided for the removal from the front of the hotel military units and send them to rebellious Petrograd. All this threatened to pour out in a civil war with unpredictable consequences.
Acting in the spirit of revolutionary traditions, the rebels freed out of prison not only political prisoners, but also for criminals. At first they easily overcame the resistance of the protection of "crosses", and then took the Peter and Paul Fortress.

Unmanaged and variety of revolutionary masses, not bearing murder and robbery, plunged the city in chaos.
February 27, approximately 2 hours of day, soldiers took the Tauride Palace. The State Duma was in a dual situation: on the one hand, according to the Decree of the Emperor, it would have to commit a samorem, but on the other, the pressure of the rebels and the actual failure forced some action. The compromise decision was the meeting under the guise of the "private meeting".
As a result, it was decided to form the authority of the Provisional Committee.

Later, the former Minister of Foreign Minister of the Interim Government P. N. Milyukov recalled:

"The intervention of the State Duma gave a street and military movement center, gave him a banner and a slogan and thus turned the uprising into the revolution, which ended with the overthrow of the old regime and dynasty."

The revolutionary movement grew more and more. Soldiers capture arsenal, chiefpotion, telegraph, bridges and train stations. Petrograd turned out to be completely in the authorities of the rebels. The real tragedy was played in Kronstadt, who overwhelmed the wave of the Samoy, who took the murder more than a hundred officers of the Baltic Fleet.
On March 1, the head of the headquarters of the Supreme Commander, General Alekseev, in a letter begged the emperor "For the sake of salvation of Russia and the dynasty, at the head of the government, a person who believed Russia."

Nikolay declares that giving the right to others, he deprives himself the authorities given to them by God. The possibility of a peaceful transformation of the country into the constitutional monarchy was already missed.

After March 2, the renunciation of Nicholas II in the state actually developed a drochlorism. The official power was in the hands of the temporary government, but the real power belonged to the Petrogradsky Council, which controlled troops, railways, mail and telegraph.
In the time of renunciation in the royal train, Colonel Mordvinov remembered the plans of Nicholas to move to Livadia. "Your Majesty, leaving as soon as possible abroad. With the current conditions, even in the Crimea - not live, "King tried Mordvinov. "No way. I would not want to leave Russia, I love her too much, "Nikolai objected.

Lev Trotsky noted that the February uprising was spontaneous:

"Nobody outlined the coup routes in advance, no one called on top to the uprising. Having accumulated during the years, the indignation broke out to a large extent unexpectedly for the masses themselves. "

However, Milyukov insists in their memoirs that the coup was planned shortly after the start of the war and before "the army had to go to the offensive, the results of which in the root would stop all sorts of hints of discontent and caused the explosion of patriotism and babysitization in the country." "The story will curse the leaders of the so-called proletarians, but I will curse us who caused a storm," the former minister wrote.
British historian Richard Pipes calls the actions of the royal government during the february uprising "fatal weakness", noting that "the Bolsheviks in such circumstances did not stop before the shootings."
Although the February Revolution is called "bloodless", she, nevertheless, claimed thousands of soldiers and civilians. Only in Petrograd, more than 300 people died and 1200 were injured.

The February Revolution began an irreversible process of the decay of the empire and decentralization of power, accompanied by the activity of separatist movements.

Independence demanded Poland and Finland, about independence spoke in Siberia, and the Central Rada educated in Kiev proclaimed "Autonomous Ukraine."

The events of February 1917 allowed the Bolsheviks to get out of the underground. Thanks to the amnesty, declared by the temporary government, dozens of revolutionaries returned from the link and political expulsion, who have already tolerated the plans of the new coupness.

The February Revolution of 1917 formally began on February 18. On this day, more than 30 thousand workers of the Putil plant declared a strike. The government responded to this by the immediate closure of the Putilovsky plant. People were unemployed and on February 23, the crowds of demonstrators came out with a protest on the streets of St. Petersburg. By February 25, these unrest turned into a real strike. People opposed autocracy. The February Revolution of 1917 moved to its active phase.

On February 26, the fourth company Petropavlovsky Regiment joined the rebel. Gradually, all the troops of the Petropavlovsky regiment entered into the ranks of the protesters. Events fluttered rapidly. Nicholas 2 under pressure was forced to renounce the throne in favor of his brother Mikhail (March 2), who also refused to lead the country.

Temporary Government of 1917

March 1 announced the creation of a temporary government, which was headed by G.E. Lviv. The Provisional Government worked, and already on March 3, a manifesto with the tasks for the development of the country issued. The February Revolution of 1917 continued the mass amnesty of prisoners. Temporary government, wanting to cause confidence in people, announced the imminent completion of the war and the transfer of land to the people.

On March 5, the Provisional Government fired all the governors and officials who served the emperor Nicholas 2. Instead of provinces and counties, commissariats were created, which solved questions in the field.

In April 1917, the temporary government survived the crisis of the distrust of the people. The reason for that was the statement by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of P.N. Milyukova, who stated that Western countries, that Russia will continue the first world war and will participate in it to the very end. People looked at the streets of Moscow and St. Petersburg, expressing disagreement with the actions of the authorities. As a result, Milyukov was forced to resign. The leaders of the new government decided to attract the most influential among the people of socialists, the positions that were extremely weak. The new temporary government in mid-May made a statement, which will begin negotiations on the conclusion of peace with Germany, and will immediately deal with the decision of the land.

In June, there was a new crisis that shaved the temporary government. The people were dissatisfied with the fact that the war was not finished and the Earth was still in charge of the elect. As a result, on June 18, the demonstration, in which about 400 thousand people took part, poured into the streets of Petrograd, chanting in the mass of her slogans of the Bolsheviks. At the same time, large movements passed in Minsk, Moscow, Nizhny Novgorod, Kharkov E and many other cities.

In July, a new wave of folk movements covered Petrograd. This time, people demanded the overthrow of the temporary government and the transfer of all the authorities to the Council. On July 8, socialists who headed individual ministries issued a decree on the declaration of Russia by the Republic. G.E. Lviv in protest resigned. His place was taken by Kerensky. On July 28, it was announced that the establishment of a coalition temporary government was announced, which included 7 socialists and 8 cadets. He headed this government Kerensky.

On August 23, a representative of the Provisional Government arrived at the commander-in-chief of Kornilov, who passed the 3rd equestrian building to Petrograd, since the temporary government feared the possible actions of the Bolsheviks. But Kerensky, seeing the troops under Petrograd, was afraid that Kornilov's troops would want to put his boss in power, and announced Kornilov to the traitor, ordered him to arrest. It happened on August 27th. The general refused to recognize himself guilty and reconciled troops to Petrograd. Residents of the city rose to protect the capital. Ultimately, the townspeople managed to resist the ons of the Natius of Cornilov's troops.

Such results had the February Revolution of 1917. Further, the Bolsheviks came to the fore, who wanted to completely subordinate the power to themselves.

The myth that the "Bolsheviks overthrew the king", crouted very ineptly. His appearance we are obliged to post-Soviet regression. Only a very blessing person can broadcast such a blatant lie. The fact that the Bolsheviks overthrew the king, not said in any, even the false document.

Nevertheless, the myth of the "overthrown king Bolsheviks" meets today completely and nearby. Politicians and media are constantly in mind according to the principle of "as you know".

For example, on April 22, 2015, in Komsomolsk Pravda, there was an interview with the writer and historian A. L. Myasnikov, entitled: "The writer Alexander Butchestnikov: Lenin rejected the king to German money, and Decembrists - to the British." True, in the interview itself it was not told, as Lenin "the king heard" said.

And on January 28, 2016, V. Zhirinovsky in the transfer of Vladimir Solovyov "The Fight" reached Lenin in the collapse of the Tsarist Empire: "Today is a joyful day. Together with millions of our citizens, we will give the most negative assessment of the entire activities of Lenin, Stalin, the Bolshevik Party for the defeat of the two great states - Tsarist and Soviet Russia».

In fairness, it is necessary to specify that one of the prerequisites for the appearance of the myth on the overthrow of the king Bolsheviks became an exaggeration by the Soviet official role of the latter in the February Revolution. The general vague idea of \u200b\u200bthe importance of the role of the Bolsheviks in the revolutionary events of 1917, which was given from Soviet times, together with the patient post-Soviet illiteracy and gave rise to the myth of the overthrow of the king by the Bolsheviks.

Consider what he was the Bolshevik party on the eve and at the beginning of the revolution and who and how really the king did.

Bolsheviks
and the February Revolution

The February Revolution began on February 23 in Petrograd with protest speeches of workers and soldiers. Anti-war rallies, bread rebounds and stackers turned into an armed uprising.

Of course, the Bolsheviks did not feed on the slightest pita to the monarchy. Of course, the rebels workers and soldiers rose, including, thanks to the preceding the agitation of Bolsheviks, as well as members of other parties. However, the esters had much more authority in the troops. Yes, and the number of the Bolshevik party was small.

After the February revolution from the underground came about 23,600 Bolsheviks. However, many members of the RSDRP (b) at the time of the revolution were in prisons and references. For comparison, the MonherNottsev in 1916 was 45 000 .

The Bolsheviks did not become the organizing force of the February Revolution. At the time of its start, the key persons of the Bolshevik party were not in Petrograd. Lenin was in emigration in Switzerland. Trotsky - in America. Stalin, Kamenev, Sverdlov, Ordzhonikidze and a few more leading Bolshevik leaders were scattered by reference.

In Petrograd, the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDDP (b) was operating, headed by A. Hatpnikov, V. Molotov and P. Zalutsky. The task of the story of the rebel masses was clearly unable to them.

Having learned about the revolution from Swiss newspapers, Lenin wrote: "To judge the situation of the case is possible only with great care.". The head of the RSDLP (b) noted that the temporary government "captured power in St. Petersburg," pulling it out of the hands of workers.

Trotsky later told that about the Bolsheviks "Few who knew at the beginning of the year". That they did not prepare for the revolution, moreover, they held the workers from the strikes. But how Trotsky characterized the actions of the party at the time of the beginning of the revolution: "The Central Bolshevik headquarters, consisting of Hatpnikov, Zalutsky and Molotov, amazing the helplessness and lack of initiative. In fact, areas and barracks were provided by themselves ".

Bolshevik Vasily Kayurov gave a similar assessment of the actions of the Russian Bureau:
"... the leaders began from party centers at all. P [Etrogradsky] to [Otomit Party] was arrested, but a representative of the Central Committee of Tov. Hatpnikova was difficult to find and get the directives of tomorrow.<...> The further course of the revolution must be subordinate to its influence, we could not do this with a very limited number of working leaders. ".

In the applications formed, the influence of the Bolsheviks was also very slightly. Lenin wrote in the "April theses": "In most advice of workers of deputies, our party is in the minority, and while in a weak minority ..." Trotsky gave the same assessment: "Bolshevism at that time is still deafly bubotal in the deep depths of the revolution. The official Bolsheviks even in the Petrograd Council were an insignificant minority, which also did not very clearly define its tasks. " A leadership of the Mensheviks played a leadership role in most advice from February to July-August.

Note that at the same time, the esters, and the Mensheviks also did not expect a revolution soon. So, Ester Sergey Maslovsky-Mstislavsky said: "The revolution found us, then party people, like evangelical unwise girls sleeping". And Menshevik Nikolay Sukhanov (Gimmer) noted: "No party was preparing for a coup ... What began in St. Petersburg on February 23, almost no one accepted for the beginning of the revolution". At the same time, both the esters, and the Mensheviks were inspired by February, and, unlike the Bolsheviks, they reacted more generally to the temporaral government who came to power.

Starting a very weak participation of the Bolsheviks in the early revolutionary events, we will return a few years ago in order to see when and in which ideas were born on the overthrow of the king.

"Great Through Frond"

Due to the unsuccessful walking of war, the talentless domestic policy and especially because of Rasputin, by the end of 1916, almost all political and social forces were tuned against Nicholas II.

They got up to the opposition and 15 of the great princes of the house of the Romanovs, formed the so-called great-resistant fron. The main requirements of the Frond was the elimination of the state of Rasputin, "Queen-German" Alexandra Fedorovna and in general Germans, as well as the introduction of the "responsible ministry" - that is, the governments responsible for parliament. Interestingly, the idea of \u200b\u200ba responsible ministry will be later the overall idea of \u200b\u200bconspirators. The need to overthrow the king Great princes justified the interests of the "rescue of the monarchy".

The Great Prince Nikolai Mikhailovich Romanov, Nikolai Mikhailovich Romanov, was considered the informal head of the frond, called Philip Egalite's radicals - by analogy with the French prince from the house of Louis Louis Philippe Joseph, rented from his family and taking the civil surname Egalite (equality). On November 1, 1916, Nikolai Mikhailovich sent Nicholas II letter, which said: "It is unthinkable to drive Russia further ... You believe Alexander Fedorovna. It is understandable. But what comes from her mouth, there is a result of deft travelers, and not a valid truth ... If you managed to eliminate this constant invading in all matters of the dark forces, I would immediately be the revival of Russia ... "

On November 7, 1916, his uncle Nikolai Nikolayevich writes a similar letter. On November 11, the Grand Duke of Georgy Mikhailovich and Brother Nicholas II Great Prince Mikhail Alexandrovich are written about the same king. Mikhail at this time also publicly declares that "Sympathizes English orders", that is, parliamentarism. November 15, a similar letter writes the Grand Duke Mikhail Mikhailovich.

On November 28, even the mother of the king was joined by the opposition, a widowing Empress Maria Fedorovna, who demanded from the Son's resignation from the post of Chairman of the German Government of Stürmer, who was considered Creature Rasputin.

It came to the point that on December 2, the Grand Duke Pavel Alexandrovich demanded a meeting with the emperor. At the meeting held on December 3, he declared on behalf of the Family Council on the need to adopt the constitution and removal of Rasputin and Sturmer from the courtyard. To which the king was expected to respond with refusal.

On December 16, 1916, the murder of Rasputin, in which the Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich participates. After that, the "Grass Through Frond" was even more activated.

Thus, the leader of the Okabristov Party M. V. Rodzianko recalled that the Grand Duchess of Maria Pavlovna in one of the following after the murder of Rasputin nights, causing him to urgent conversation, offered to eliminate Alexander Fedorovna as the main guilty of all the troubles: "The Great Princess began to talk about the internal situation, about the progress of the government, about [the Interior Minister] Protopopov and the Empress. When mentioning her behalf, she began to be more worried, it was harmful to her influence and interference in all the cases, he said that she was ruining the country that, thanks to her, the threat of the king and the whole royal surname was created that it was impossible to tolerate longer that change, eliminate, destroy (here and then allocated by us - aut.) ... "

On December 22, 1916, the French ambassador Maurice Paleologist records in his diary: "In the evening I learned that in the family of Romanov, great alarms and excitement.

Several great princes, including the three sons of the Grand Duchess of Maria Pavlovna: Kirill, Boris and Andrei, say no more, no less, as to save the tsarism through the palace coup. With the help of four Guards regiments, the loyalty of which is already shaken, they will move at night at the royal village; Capture the king and the queen; The emperor will prove the need to renounce the throne; Empress is sharpening in the monastery; Then I will announce the king of the heir to Alexey under the regency of the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich.

The initiators of this plan believe that the Grand Dmitry Dmitry His participation in the murder of Rasputin makes the most suitable performer who can captivate troops. His cousins, Kirill and Andrei Vladimirovichi, came to him to his palace in Nevsky Prospekt and struggled to "bring to the end of the situation of popular salvation." After a long struggle with his conscience, Dmitry Pavlovich eventually refused to "raise his hand on the emperor" ... "

And on January 15, 1917, the same Maurice Paleologist will record: "The conspiracy of the great princes gave a mischief. Member of the Duma Maclakov was right when spoke of the third day Ms. D., from which I learned about this:<...> "They are would like the Duma to burn gunpowder ... In general, they are waiting for what we are waiting for them from them» . We note these clearly not random mutual expectations of the great princes and the members of the Duma.

On January 22, Nicholas II, quite aware of the planes of his closest environment, prudently sent out of the capital under various pretexts of the great princes of Nikolai Mikhailovich, Andrei and Kirill Vladimirovich and Dmitry Pavlovich.

This is a strong blow on the frond. However, its existence on that was not over. And thoughts about murder also did not leave members of the royal house.

Great Prince Nikolai Mikhailovich wrote in his diary: "The murder of Rasputin semi-meter, as it is necessary to end with Alexandra Fedorovna, and with Protopopov. You see, again I smell the murders (here and then allocated by us - aut.) , not quite certain, but logically necessary, otherwise it can be even worse than it was. With Protopopov, it is still possible to blame, but how to neutralize Alexander Fedorovna? The task is almost impossible. Meaning time goes, and with the departure of Yusupov, the Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich and Purishkevich (that is, the killers of Rasputin - Avt.) i do not see other performers and do not know » .

On March 1, the great princes Mikhail Alexandrovich, Kirill Vladimirovich and Pavel Alexandrovich signed the project of the so-called manifesto "On the complete Constitution of the Russian people." It was assumed that the king should agree to sign it.

Running forward, let's say that a number of great princes are recognized after the overthrow of Nicholas II temporary government. So, 9, 11 and 12, the relevant telegrams from the great princes of Nikolai Nikolayevich, Alexander Mikhailovich, Boris Vladimirovich, Sergei Mikhailovich and Georgy, Sergey Mikhailovich and Georgy Mikhailovich were admitted to the Prime Minister of Prince Lviv.

Thus, even if the members of the Imperial House did not affect the emperor directly, they clearly could not become his support in the impending critical situation.

Interest of foreign powers

Russia's allies in the First World War England and France feared that Rasputin would convince the king through Alexander Fedorovna to talk with the Germans.

The British Royal House, the Russian Right House, tried to influence the emperor through the Grand Princes. In November 1916, the Grand Duke Mikhail Mikhailovich Romanov, who lived in London, wrote Nicholas II: "I just returned from the Buckingham Palace. George. (King of Great Britain George V - Avt.) very distressed with political position in Russia. Agents of intelligence service are usually very knowledgeable, predict the revolution in Russia in the near future. I sincerely hope Nikki, that you will find it possible to satisfy the fair requirements of the people, it is not too late. "

Rodzianko recalled that after the murder of Rasputin, January 8, the brother of Tsar Great Prince Mikhail Alexandrovich unexpectedly arrived at it. Prince said that the Government and Alexander Fedorovna "They lead Russia to the separate world and to the shame, give us into the hands of Germany," what is the queen and king "Surround the dark, unfit and mediocre faces"that Tsaritsa "Furious hate" So what "While she is in power - we will go to death". "Imagine, - Mikhail Alexandrovich added, - the same spoke to my brother Buchanan » .

English Ambassador George Bucanen and English Consul and Scout Robert Lokkart generally quite actively communicated with future leaders of the February Revolution. In January, Buchanan was discussed in his embassy in St. Petersburg Palace coup with the main Duma conspirators: Gachkov, Rodzianko and Milyukov. And Lokkart in Moscow was constantly spoken up with the Duma of Prince Lvov, M. Chelnokov, V. Maclakov, A. Manulylov and F. Kokoshkin on the topic that the country is over the abyss, and the current government is incapable.

At the end of January - mid-February 1917, a summit conference with representatives of the London establishment was scheduled in St. Petersburg. On the eve of the Buchanan conference on the audience, Nikolai II raised the question of the feasibility of holding it. At the same time, the ambassador stated extremely sharply: "The political situation in Russia does not give me courage to expect any major results from its meetings ... In a revolutionary language, they spoke not only in Petrograd, but in all of Russia." Buchanan even made doubt "What the current Russian government will remain in power ».

Arriving after that, the English delegation also communicated with future conspirators. Mission head, Military Minister of Britain Lord Alfred Milner, met with Prince Lvov. Lviv presented to the Milneur Memorandum, which said that the absence of constitutional reform in Russia would lead the country to the catastrophe. The deadline for the beginning of the revolution was also indicated, apparently associated with the upcoming meeting of the Duma: in three weeks. The British mission left Russia a week before the start of the February Revolution.

Conspiracy of the dimens and generals

The conspiracy of the member of the State Duma has developed at the end of 1916, after the murder of Rasputin. Alexander Guccov and Mikhail Rodzianko, who were the leaders of the Progressive "Progressive Blok" and the Okabristov Party of the Okabristov (the interests of large landowners and industrialists), as well as the interests of large landowners and industrialists), as well as for the interests of large landowners and industrialists). He participated in the conspiracy and leader of the Cadets Pavel Milyukov. The conspirators join their colleagues in the Duma (Nekrasov, Tereshchenko and others).

Various ideas of the overthrow of Nicholas II, getting rid of the empress and removal from the power of the king's surroundings. After that, it was supposed to establish a constitutional monarchy in Russia. Like the great princes, the members of the Duma reasoned about the "salvation of the monarchy" by changing the monarch. The need for a conspiracy from above was explained by the fact that otherwise the monarchy falls from the rebellion of "Plebeev" from below.

Major General of the Separate Corps of Gendarmes A. I. Spiridovich later told that on January 1, 1917, the conspirators across the head of the city of Tiflis A. I. Khatisov offered a great prince Nikolai Nikolayevich to lead the empire instead of his nephew. Nikolai Nikolayevich refused, but I did not tell the king about the proposal made.

Then the conspirators decided that the head of state could be Brother Nicholas II Mikhail Alexandrovich as a regent with a small heir to the throne.

Huchkov later, in emigration, told: "From the conversation with Nekrasov, it turned out that he came to the same point of view ... On the inevitability of a violent coup ... Since later the Song of the Soverear - Heir, with a brother of the sovereign as a regent for the time of youngster, was supposed to the throne. It was unacceptable to force the Son and Brother to swear through the puddle of blood. From here and the plan was born about the palace coup, as a result of which the sovereign would be forced to sign the renunciation with the transfer of the throne to the legitimate heir ".

It was impossible to make a palace coup without supporting the army. At the same time, the mood in the army on the eve of the February Revolution General Brusilov later describes as follows: "By February 1917, the whole army - on one front more, on the other less - was prepared for the revolution. The officer corps at this time also shakeped and, in general, was extremely dissatisfied with the state of affairs ".

Huchkov managed to attract to participate in the conspiracy of the commander of the Nordic Front of General Ruzsky. Ruzsky, in turn, attracted several more commander fronts, including General Brusylov. The fate of the conspiracy decided to join the authority of the chief of the General Staff of General Alekseeva.

On February 9, a meeting of the leaders of the Duma opposition was held in the office of the State Duma of the State Duma Rodzianko. The general N. V. Ruzsky and Colonel A. M. Krymov were also attended. At the meeting openly discussed the plan of the palace coup.

Thus, the representatives of the Duma and members of the Supreme General Cell prepared the renunciation of Nicholas II before the start of revolutionary events.

The security department also knew about the preparing conspiracy. General Security, Spiridovich wrote on February 20: "Once on the apartment of one friend, a serious informant, who knows everything and the whole, and with political community circles, and with the press and the world of security, received a synthesis about the general launch of the government, to the Supreme Power. The queen hate, the sovereign no longer wants ... On the departure of the sovereign, they spoke about the change of an incomplete minister. The fact that the queen and cutting will be killed soon, they said just as simply as some kind of hospital operation. Called officers who allegedly ready to speak, called some shelves, spoke about the conspiracy of the great princes (We allocated - aut.), I almost called V. K. Mikhail Alexandrovich by the future regent. "

Renunciation of the king

When the February revolution occurred and the armed crowd was overwhelming the streets, the Duma conspirators realized that the king would be overthrown immediately.

General Brusilov recalled: "I ... was called to a direct wire [by General] Alekseev, who told me that the formed temporary government announced him that in the event of a refusal of Nicholas II to renounce the throne, it threatens to interrupt the supply of food and battleships in the army (we have no There was no reserves), so Alekseev asked me and all the commander-in-chief to telegraph king the request for renunciation. I answered him that for his part I consider this measure necessary and immediately fulfillment. Rodzianko also sent me a urgent telegram of the same content ... I answered Rodzianko that I fulfill my duty to the homeland and king to the end, and then I sent a telegram to the king, in which he asked him to abandon his throne. "

On March 1, at the meeting of the Members of the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, the renunciation of the king was discussed. Monarchist V. Shulgin later told: "We were at this time an incomplete composition. We were Rodzhenko, Milyukov, I, - I do not remember the rest ... But I remember that neither Kerensky, nor Cheyidze [that is, left]. We were in our circle. And therefore Guffling spoke completely freely. " And he said the following: "... Apparently, the current state should be reigning anymore ... The highest command from his face is no longer a command: it will not be fulfilled ... if it is so, then we can calmly and idlely wait for that minute, When all this revolutionary rare will begin to seek the exit ... And he will deal with the monarchy ... "

On the night of March 2, Guccs and Shulgin went together on behalf of the Temporary Committee of the Duma at the headquarters of the Army of the Northern Front in Pskov, where Nikolai was located.

Here's how monarchist Schulgin explained to himself that he was going to overthrow the king: "I understood perfectly why I'm going. I felt that the renunciation would happen inevitably, and felt that it was impossible to put the sovereign to face with Chkheidze ... The renunciation should be transferred to the hands of monarchists and for the sake of rescue the monarchy. " That is, even the monarchists considered the best way to reach the emperor.

The attitude of the dimers at that time to the king is well characterized by the words of one of the main conspirators, Milyukov, spoken by him at a meeting of the Duma the next day, on March 2: "The old despot, who brought Russia to complete destruction, voluntarily refuses the throne or will be lowled."

With Nikolai II, by the time of arrival of Guccov and Schulgin, he had already spoken about renunciation commander of the North Front of Ruzsky. The king was shown by the telegrams of the commander-in-chief fronts with requests for renunciation.

Nicholas II told Guccov and Shulgin that he first decided to renounce the son. But, I think that this will require separation with him, reverses in favor of Brother Mikhail.

The next day, Mikhail, after a meeting with the members of the Duma, also signed a renunciation. Rodzianko recalled: "The Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich put a rebier to me, if he could guarantee life if he had the throne, and I had to answer him negatively, for ... the solid armed force had no ..."

Thus, the conspiracy of the dimes and generals, which seemed to be able to preserve the reigning dynasty, led to the complete overthrow of the house of Romanov.

The reaction to the overthrow of the king
Churches and White Motion Leaders

The emperor compromised himself so much that in the fatal for himself an hour did not find support for neither the church or in monarchical organizations or future leaders of white movement, which on some misunderstanding are also recorded in the faithful monarchists.

The church reacted to the renunciation quite loyally.

On March 9, the Synod released an appeal in which the February Revolution was characterized by the words "the will of God happened." The appeal said: "Russia joined the path of new state life. May the Lord bless our great homeland with happiness and glory on her new way. "

On March 12, in the temples read acts about the renunciation of Romanov. Now before ordagine in San, priests and devices should have been pronounced: "I undertake to obey the temporary government, which is now heading the Russian state, to establish the referee of the board by the will of the people with the establishment of the Constituent Assembly."

We present only some of the statements of the highest churrents of the time.

Archbishop Volyn Eurobi in his message to believers spoke that "The Russian king was surrounded by a close ring of irresponsible and dark influences."

Bishop Ekaterinoslavsky and Mariupol Agapit said that "Dark forces pushed our homeland to death", but what "The fishery of God entrusted the fate of Russia to the government from representatives of people in the State Duma, which are well known modern aids and the needs of our Fatherland".

Archbishop Penzensky Vladimir reported in a telegram one of the leaders of the revolution and the new Ober-Prosecutor of Synod V. N. Lvov, which sees in his face "I'll drop the updates of church life".

Bishop Polotsk Kyrion called on the preaching: "I will become an intolerable rock around the State Duma ..."

Finally, in his appeal to the epars' spokeshotis, the city of Kazan glorified the State Duma, which "From hot love to the homeland" performed "Great State Coup".

As for the attitude towards the overthrow of the king of white movement leaders, then General Kornilov personally arrested on March 8 at the Tsarist village Alexander Fedorovna and other members of the royal family.

Admiral Kolchak, in his own story, among the first, he squeezed the temporary government and led to the oath of his subordinates.

As for General Denikin, he described the sunset of the monarchy so described: "Unrestrained Vakhanalia, some sadism of power, who showed the rules of Rasputithic replaced by one after another, led to the beginning of 1917 they led to the fact that there was no political party in the state, no class, no class on which could rely on the royal government. The enemy of the people thought everyone ".

***

So, the February revolution has become a surprise for the Bolsheviks. People's protest against severe living conditions coincided with the desire for the power of large industrialists and landowners, whose interests expressed Guccs, Rodzianko and Milyukov. Duma, military, monarchists, church and even his closest relatives turned away from Nicholas II. The British Royal House also showed an active interest in the fall of the autocracy.

The leaders of the February Revolution, destroying the Russian empire, sowed chaos. But they could not cope with him. The chaos, reuniting and restoring the country destroyed by the revolution and the civil war, had to be so clarified by them by the Bolsheviks.

Ivan Cheremnyh, Dmitry Krasnukhov, Dmitry Surkov, Ivan Krylov

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The content of the article

February Revolution 1917 in Russia.It is generated by the open socio-political and economic contradictions of Russia began the 20th century, which caused the revolutionary crisis in January 1905. The indigenous tasks of the revolution: democratic transformations of the country, the elimination of landlord land ownership, the overthrow of the autocratic system, the elimination of national inequality.

Russia's participation in the First World War 1914-1918 aggravated the domestic political situation in the country, put it before the economic disaster: economic destruction increased, hunger was adopted. Military defeats on the front revolutionized the army and fleet, the soldiers refused to fulfill the command orders, anti-government working speeches and peasant uprisings were frequent in the rear, the government was collapsed. At the end of 1916, the country was in front of the revolutionary crisis, which was drawn to all classes and social sections that demanded political and socio-economic reforms. The emperor, his government and noble-landing ruling circles promised to begin to fulfill these requirements after the war, although the concentrated revolutionary shocks demanded their urgent solutions. In confrontation of power and society, three political camps were fought, representing opposing class interests:

- government camp, consisting of the most reactionary bourgeois and landlords, defended the inviolability of the monarchist building and the interests of the dominant nobles;

- Liberal, opposition-minded to the royal power, which was represented by large parties of the Octobrists (the leader of A.I.Guchkov) and the cadets (Leader P.N.Milukov). The legal center of this opposition camp was the State Duma IV convocation formed in August 1915;

"The third political camp, a revolutionary democratic, consisted of the main socialist parties: Social Democrats (Mensheviks), People's Socialists, Social Democrats (Bolsheviks), as well as the Social Democrats (Bolsheviks), as well as the Social Democrats (Left, Center, Right). These parties, who stood closer to the masses, won their confidence.

Liberal bourgeoisie and its political opposition tolerated the secret plans of the palace coup, seeking to replace the emperor Nicholas II, which is not able to finish with military defeats and economic shocks, another monarch, which would continue the war more successfully and more effectively led the fight against the revolutionary revolutionary crisis. As PN Mimilyukov later testified, the Liberal Plan was: to seize the imperial train on the road between the rate and the royal village, to force the king to renunciation, then with the military units that could be expeded to arrest the existing government.

However, events developed not as they were prepared and expected. Secret plans were overturned by a popular movement for peace, against the political cure of the people. February 23 (March 3) the revolutionary explosion occurred spontaneously, the epicenter of him was the capital of the country - Petrograd. The next day, a general political strike of workers who paralyzed the economic life of the city began. February 26 (March 11) began the transition of army units deployed in the capital, to the side of the revolution. Events developed rapidly, not giving politicians to their understanding.

By order of Nicholas II, transmitted from the raft of the Supreme Commander (was in Mogilev), the troops of the Petrograd garrison open fire on demonstrators, several hundred people were killed and injured.

It gave the situation in the capital. On the morning of February 27, the uprisings of individual parts of the capital garrison began. Over 20 thousand soldiers joined the rebel workers. The uprising was fatal and unexpected for the royal government. On one day, the capital was in the hands of the rebels, government agencies were occupied and the arrests of the royal ministers began.

On the night of February 28, IV, the State Duma (formed in 1915) from its composition for the management of the state was created by the Interim Committee (Chairman - Octobrist M.V. Urzianko). The Committee sought to restore order and save the monarchy. The Committee sent to the bid where the king was located, for negotiations with him, A.I.Gucchkova and V.V. Shulgin. Nicholas II still expect to suppress the uprising by the armed forces, but the troops sent to them moved to the side of the rebels.

In the conditions of the growing revolutionary explosion, representatives of the parties of the Octobrists and Cadetov (A.I.Guchkov, V.V. Shulgin) led a bargaining with the king, but spilunting their plans to spilled the spiluntarial revolutionary events. Without the strength to cope with the revolution, Nicholas II on March 12 renounced the throne for himself and his minor son Alexei in favor of his younger brother Mikhail Alexandrovich, but he also refused the throne, stating that he would accept the Supreme Power only by decision of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly. So within a few days (from February 27 to March 3, the old style) in Russia was finished with the monarchy.

Meanwhile, during the February events, the workers of Petrograd began to create advice of workers of deputies, the elections of deputies were held in enterprises. On the evening of February 27, the first meeting of the Petrogradsky Council of Workers and Soldier deputies took place in the Tauride Palace. Having complete support of the rebels, the Council began to manifest itself as real power. Most of the Council turned out to be Mensevikov and Social University, who believed that the democratic revolution should end with the creation of a democratic government.

The question of creating such a government decided in the IV State Duma. The parties of the Octobrists and the Cadets had the majority and had an impact on Social Democrats and Deputies-Social Economics. 1 (14) Martha, the executive committee of the Petrograd Council decided to provide a temporary committee of the State Duma right to form a temporary government from representatives of political parties entering the council. On the same day, it was educated led by Prince. G. Lvov But the authorities of the bourgeois temporary government turned out to be a link. Along with her, there was another power - councils, although officially not recognized, but born by folk creativity in the fire of revolution. The country has been created in the country: the power of the temporary government and the power of the Petrograd Council of Workers and Soldier's deputies. Following Petrograd, the revolution won in Moscow, and then peacefully ("by telegraph") in most cities and provinces. Deliciousness has developed in the ground. The temporary government, without having forces to resist the revolutionary element, was forced to seek the support of the Petrograd Council, nagging on armed workers and soldiers. The leadership of the Council, which consisted of Mensheviks and Socialists, provided this support.

The established circumstances favored the Bolsheviks - the most radical batch of the revolutionary camp.

New "tops" who came to power immediately found themselves before the need for the decision of the country of urgent historical problems - the termination of the war, the elimination of landlords of the latifunds, endowment of the land of peasants, solving national problems. However, the temporary government, as before, the royal, only promised to solve them at the Constituent Assembly and tried to restrain the dissatisfaction with the mass reforms to the inability to carry out indigenous reforms during the war.

The drooping that has become a all-Russian phenomenon was deepened at the same time with two parallel processes - the emergence and formation of various political focus of the authorities - the Soviets and various Committees: public security, salvation committees. In addition, urban Duma, Zemstvo, elected, were continued to function, who were mainly from the representatives of the parties of the Okabristov, Cadets, as well as the Socialists of Okabristov and Mensheviks.

The manifestation of the extraordinary political activity of the wide masses of the people who committed the revolution was their participation in thousands of rallies and demonstrations held in the most different reasons. It seemed that the country could not get out of the state of anarchy, Euphoria from the unexpectedly defeated revolution. At rallies, there were search for answers to questions about what happened, how to end the war, how to build a Russian democratic republic. The answers proposed by political parties and authorities were reinforced by the thesis that from now on the war was carried out in the name of the protection of the conquest of the revolution.

The questions that worried about the country were discussed daily at meetings of the Petrograd Council. By the main thing, about power, the majority proceeded from the fact that the government should be in the people. A declaration of 8 points was developed, which the Provisional Government had to be based on its activities. The main ones are: freedom of speech, press, unions, the abolition of all thesis, religious and national restrictions, immediate preparations for convening on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, which should establish the form of government and prepare the country's Constitution.

Temporary government, delayed the solution of all key issues (about war and peace, agricultural, national) to the Constituent Assembly. Thus, the victory of the February Revolution did not solve immediate tasks facing the country, which left the objective conditions for continuing the struggle for their decision. The initiative passed to the Bolshevik party.

The February Revolution did not solve the main problems of the country, and the government created as a result of Her victory turned out to be unable to reinforce the necessary social and political reforms, and most importantly - to bring the country from the war.

Only on March 19, it made a special statement on the agricultural issue, recognizing it the first of the first. The results of the preparatory work on it should have been represented by the Constituent Assembly. At the same time, the Government instructed the provincial commissars to apply military force to suppress peasant unrest. These actions, the government supported the opinion of the peasants that it protects the interests of the landowners.

After the victory of the February Revolution and the emergence of the bombing, the leadership of the Bolsheviks turned out to be a question, how to act in the new environment.

In early April, the leader of Bolshevikov V.I. Lenin returned from long emigration. He immediately made his plan to further develop the revolutionary process set forth in his "April theses". This plan proceeded from the recognition of the February Revolution of completed and approval that the conditions of "dvoevsty" make the power of a temporary government to fraudulently, and the anti-Russian policy will lead to political crisis. The first such crisis occurred in April, when the government of the Milyukov's Milukov Minister sent by the Allied Russians to the declaration of intention to bring the world war to the declaration of victory.

"Note Milyukova" was the "detonator" of the explosion of the perturbation of workers and soldiers (April 20). The slogan "Down Milyukova!" Sounded in their resolutions, and the requirements "All Power Soviets!" Appeared on many transparencies of manifestations!

In contrast to St. Petersburg workers and resolutions of the soldiers who protested against the Milyukovsky foreign policy of the Provisional Government, held oncoming manifestations of his adherents, in some areas armed clashes occurred.

The right wing of the cabinet was expressed for the use of military force, but most of the ministers hesitated. When the commander of the district, General L.G. Kornilov, tried to move troops against the workers, the soldiers refused to speak without an order of the Council, and the general was forced to cancel its original disposal. It gave confidence to the Bolsheviks, and the "falling" government was held in power only thanks to the support of the Petrograd Council.

Lenin's slogan "all power advice!" Oriented the Bolsheviks to the new perspective - to the development of the revolutionary process to the victory of the "socialist" revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia.

All other socialist parties opposed the Bolshevik idea of \u200b\u200bthe "proletariat dictatorship", proving her incompatibility with democracy, the commitment of which Lenin and his party constantly advertised, using these popular requirements for democracy in political struggle. But Lenin, who believed in the socialist idea of \u200b\u200bK. Marx, sought to use the situation favorable for his party to come to power, hoping that the state power, being in the hands of the party, would become a powerful gun that would allow the country to break through to socialism. Hence his bet on the dictatorship of the proletariat, for the strength, which will "redo" socio-economic and political relations in Russia and bring them to the level necessary to promote the country to socialism.

The conclusions made by Lenin and Bolsheviks about the inevitability of the collapse of the "falling" temporary government were confirmed by the subsequent crises. The situation could not change the permutations as part of the government, the exception of the leaders of the Octobrists and Cadets Guccov and Milyukov and the inclusion of the leaders of the Democrats - Eser A. Karensky, who received the portfolio of the Military Minister, and the appointment by the Minister of Agriculture Eser V.M. Chernova. Milyukova as the Minister of Foreign Affairs changed the "non-partisan" M.I.Teshchenko. However, these changes did not satisfy politicized masses. New ministers continued to be the former domestic and foreign policy of the government, which contributed to the growth of the second unofficial authorities, the Soviets, and the influence of the main opponents of the Provisional Government - Bolsheviks. Their positions were strengthened in trade unions, in local councils.

In the situation of the growing excitement of the masses in Petrograd on June 3, the first All-Russian Congress of the Councils of Workers and Soldiers, Deputies began, was the main question "On War and the World". It became widely known about the prepared occurrence at the front. The ECERO-Menshevik leadership of the congress was forced to take a decision to hold on June 18 in Petrograd, a common demonstration under the slogan of confidence in the temporary government and approval of the occurrence at the front. In the same time, the capital was attended by half a million workers and soldiers, the same demonstrations took place in other cities. But the leaders of the congress, who decided to demonstrate the support of the coalition government, were calculated. Demonstrators expressed distrust to the government.

On the demonstration of June 18, the slogans "All Power Soviets" prevailed, "Down with the Interim Government".

The "tops" felt the impossibility to overcome the crisis state of power through the reformery.

On July 2, the 4th Cadet Minister announced their exit from the government. With this, they shot responsibility from their batch for the failures at the front, shifting it on the ECERO-Menshevik block, pushing it to an agreement on the use of repression against the excited protesters.

On July 3, the next explosion of the spontaneous perturbation of workers and soldiers began. They came to a mass demonstration under the slogans "All Power Soviets!" The delegation of workers and representatives of military units arrived at a meeting of the CEC (Central Executive Committee) of the Councils, demanding that it take power and conclude a "fair world".

Events July 3-4 The powerfully demanded from the tops to find a way out of the deadlock, the possibilities of "peaceful" maneuvering were exhausted, one tool remained - forcibly curb the "element". But this required the consent of the ECERO-Meshevistian leadership of the Soviets. Not doubting his support, government forces have begun punitive action, which firing the demonstration participants. It was a signal to the elimination of dvoevsty, a new phase began in the development of the February Revolution, its "peaceful" cycle was completed. Alternative to the busty could only decide in an armed battle of opposing political forces. It happened at the moment when a national revolutionary crisis, an exacerbated economic situation, is called in the country. The threat of hunger came to the army, the peasant uprisings broke out in a number of provinces. As a result of passing advice, leading positions in them went to the Bolsheviks. The political struggle was drawn to the soldiers' masses on the fronts. Their slogan was - "the world by all means". Protests soldiers against war occurred in various natural forms: mass desertion, refusals to carry out the orders of command, frequent sacrifices of brother with enemy soldiers.

At the end of September, Lenin came to the conclusion that there are already objective and subjective conditions for the arrival of his party to power, and began to develop rebellion plans. The organization of the Red Guard was conducted from Petrograd workers, the Military Revolutionary Committee was established (VRK) - the headquarters of the uprising.

The main points of the Leninsky Plan of the uprising: seizure of bridges through neu, train stations, telephone exchange, telegraph, arrest of the temporary government. Not all members of the party leadership were agreed with the decision of Lenin on the preparation of the uprising. Members of the Central Committee L.B. Kamenev and G. Zinoviev oscillate, but still joined Lenin.

The armed forces of the uprising were ready for a speech, only a reason for the beginning of hostilities was needed. They were the order of Kerensky on the closure of the Bolshevik newspapers, given on October 24th. In the evening, on October 24, VRK's forces began to move on the offensive, on the night of October 25, they were busy stations, bridges, telegraph, the environment of the winter palace began, where the temporary government was located. The uprising developed almost bloodlessly, only during the siege of the Winter Palace there was a rifle shooting and the volleys of artillery were distributed. Members of the Provisional Government were arrested and concluded in the Peter and Paul Fortress. Chairman of the government A.F. Jarensky disappeared.

The period from February to the Oktyabrsky uprising of the Bolsheviks in historical literature is considered as the time of preparing the transition of power to the Bolsheviks. In fact, this transition was due to the incompleteness of the February Revolution, the struggle for its completion, for solving its tasks. The monarchy was overthrown, but other urgent tasks of the democratic revolution were not realized: about leaving the war, about Earth, working question. All this was postponed to the "best times," there was a cause of displeasure to the people, the crosses of the broad masses, their distrust of the Okomylistam and the cadets and the batches of the socialist spectrum, which left the Bolsheviks "Feemented Field" to determine the plans for the conquest of power. The Bolsheviks walked to the seizure of power, having support for workers, a significant part of the soldiers who were the same peasants. But this support was caused by the inactivity of the temporary government, and not aware of the masses of the goals of the Bolsheviks. Their slogans were simple and attractive, inspired the hope that they would be implemented and the people would receive, finally, the world, the peasants - the land, the workers - 8-hour working day. Using the circumstances favorable for them, the Bolsheviks expect to implement their plans for the revolutionary reorganization of Russia.

Efim Gimpelson

ATTACHMENT

Telegram Chairman of the IV State Duma M. V. Rodzianko Emperor Nicholas II on the beginning of revolutionary speeches in Petrograd

Served in Petrograd on February 26, 1917. 21 h. 52 m. Received at the rate on February 26, 1917. 22 h. 40 m. His imperial majesty, the current army, the bid of the Supreme Commander.

All-nothing donomose to your majesty that the folk unrest began in Petrograd takes a natural nature and threatening sizes. The basics of them are a lack of baked bread and weak removal of flour, suggesting a panic, but mainly complete distrust of power, unable to bring the country from a difficult situation. On this basis, events will undoubtedly develop, to keep which can be temporarily at the cost of the blood sheds of civilians, but which will be impossible to restrain when repetition. Movement can transfer to the railways, and the life of the country is zoked in the most difficult moment. Plants working on defense in Petrograd stop for lack of fuel and raw material, workers remain without affairs, and the hungry unemployed crowd enters the path of anarchy, spontaneous and irreparable. Railway communication throughout Russia in full disorder. In the south of 63 blast furnaces, only 28 are operating due to the lack of enheavary of the fuel and the necessary raw materials. In the Urals of 92 blast furnaces, 44 and the production of cast iron stopped, decreasing day after day, threatens a major reduction in projectile production. The population, fearing the inept orders of the authorities, does not carry the grain products to the market, stopping these mills, and the threat of a lack of flour stands in full growth in front of the army and the population. Government power is in full paralysis and is completely powerless to restore the broken order. Sovereign, save Russia, she threatens humiliation and shame. War under such conditions can not be victoriously ended, as fermentation spread already on the army and threatens to develop, if the powerless and the unrest will not be a decisive end. Sovereign, urgently encourage a person who can believe the whole country, and instruct him to draw up the government, which will trust the entire population. For such a government, all Russia will go, causing himself again faithfully in his leaders. In this unprecedented terrifying consequence and the terrible hour of other exit, it is impossible to slow.

Chairman of the State Duma Mikhail Rodzianko

Declaration of the Temporary Government on its composition and tasks

From temporary government

Citizens!

The Temporary Committee of Members of the State Duma, with the assistance and sympathy of the metropolitan troops and the population, has now reached such a degree of success over the dark forces of the old regime that it allows him to proceed with a stronger executive device.

For this purpose, the Temporary Committee of the State Duma appoints the first public office of the following persons, confidence in which countries are provided by their past social and political activities.

Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Internal Affairs Prince G. E. Lviv.

Minister Military and Marine A. I. Guccov. Minister of Payments by N. V. Nekrasov. Minister of Commerce and Industry A. I. Konovalov. Minister of Field Enlightenment A. A. Manuilov. Minister of Finance M. I. Tereshchenko. Ober Prosecutor of St. Synod V. N. Lviv. Minister of Agriculture A. I. Shingarev. Minister of Justice A. F. Kerensky. State controller I. V. Suiter. Minister for Finland F. I. Rodichev.

In his real activities, the Cabinet will be guided by the following grounds:

1. Complete and immediate amnesty for all the affairs of political and religious, including terrorist attempts, military uprishes and agricultural crimes, etc.

2. Freedom of speech, press, unions, meetings and strikes with the spread of political freedoms on servicemen within the limits allowed by military-technical conditions.

3. Cancel all the estate, religious and national restrictions.

4. Immediate preparation for convening on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting of the Constituent Assembly, which establishes the form of government and the Constitution of the country.

5. Replacing the Police of People's Militia with the electoral authorities subordinate to local governments.

6. Elections in local self-government organs based on universal, direct, equal and secret ballot.

7. Unimpressive and non-department from Petrograd Military units who participated in the revolutionary movement.

8. When maintaining strict military discipline in the system and when military service is carried out, the elimination of all restrictions on the use of public laws provided to all other citizens. The temporary government considers its duty to apply that it does not intend to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in the implementation of the above reforms and events.

Chairman of the State Duma M. V. Rodzianko

Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the CN. E. Lviv

Ministers: P. N. Milyukov, N. V. Nekrasov,

A. N. Konovalov, A. A. Manuilov,

M. I. Tereshchenko, V. N. Lvov, A. I. Shinarev,

A. F. Kerensky

Manifesto Nicholas II on renunciation

In the days of the Great Fighting with an external enemy, seeking almost three years to enslave our homeland, the Lord God had pleased a new grievous test of Russia. The beginning of the internal folk unrest threaten poorly reflected in the further conduct of a stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of the heroic of our army, the benefit of the people, the whole future of the expensive of our Fatherland requires the configure of the war by all means to the victorious end.

The cruel enemy strains the last strength, and an hour is already close when our valiant army, together with the glorious allies, will be able to finally break the enemy. In these decisive days, in Russia, we considered the debt of conscience to facilitate our close unity and cohesion of all the forces of folk for the early achievement of victory, and, in harmony with the State Duma, we recognized the blessing of the state of the Russian state and add up the supreme power.

Not wanting to part with our beloved Son, we convey our God's legacy to our great prince Mikhail Alexandrovich and bless him to the throne of the Russian state.

We are aligning our brother to rule the states in full and unwanted unity with the ideas of the people in legislative institutions on the principles that will be installed by them, bringing in that haired oath in the name of the hot beloved Motherland.

We call on all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to the fulfillment of their holy debt in front of him, the obedience of the king in a difficult moment of nationwide tests and help him, together with the representatives of the people, to bring the Russian state to the path of victory, prosperity and glory.

May the Lord of Russia will help.

15 hours. Nikolai.

Manifesto on the refusal of the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich from the perception of the Supreme Power

The heavy burden is entrusted to me by the wilts of my brother, who submitted to me the Imperial All-Russian throne into the Godin of the unprecedented war and the unrest.

Animate one with all the people's thoughts, which is above all the benefit of our Motherland, I adopted a firm decision in the event that the will of the Great People of Our People, who is supposed to be a national vote, through representatives of their own in the constituent assembly, to establish an image of the Board and New The main laws of the Russian state.

Therefore, calling for the blessing of God, I ask for all citizens of the state of the Russian to submit to the temporary government, as the state of the State Duma, which has arisen and clothed with all the full authorities, to continue, before convened in perhaps the shortest term on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret ballot, the constituent assembly About the appearance of the board will express the will of the people.

3 / III - 1917

Petrograd

The appeal of the temporary government "To the population of Russia"

Citizens of the Russian state!

The great one happened. The magnificent gust of the Russian people will overthrow the old order. New free Russia was born. The great coup is completing long years of struggle.

Act on October 17, 1905, under the pressure of the awakened folk forces, Russia was promised by constitutional freedoms. However, these promises were not fulfilled. Expressive of folk hopes, the first State Duma, was dissolved. The second Duma suffered the same fate, and, powerful to overcome the will, the government decided on June 3, 1907 to take away part of the right to participate in legislative activities in the population. During the long nine years, the people have passed the span for the span all the rights conquered by him. The country was again plunged into the bunch of arbitrariness and self-leveling. All attempts to enjoy the power turned out to be vain, and the great world struggle, in which our homeland was involved was the enemy, found it in a state of moral decay of power, not united with the people, indifferent to the fate of the Motherland and mired in the shame of the blur. Neither the heroic efforts of the army, who dissected under the severity of cruel inner ruin, no appeals of the national representation, united in the face of national danger, were not able to direct the former emperor and its government on the path of unity with the people. And when Russia was with illegal and destructive actions of her rulers before the greatest disasters, the people himself had to take power into their hands. The unanimous revolutionary rush of the people, imbued with the importance of the importance of the moment, and the determination of the State Duma created a temporary government, which he considers their sacred and responsible debt to carry out the aspirations of people and bring the country to the bright way of free civil dispensation.

The government believes that the spirit of high patriotism, which manifested himself in the struggle of the people with the old authority, is painted and the valiant soldiers of ours on the battlefield. The government for its part will attach all the strength to ensure our army with everything necessary in order to bring the war to a victorious end.

The government will be holy to keep us with other powers of the Union and steadily fulfill the agreements concluded by allies.

Taking measures to protect the country from the enemy of the external, the government at the same time the reading of the first to open the way to the expression of the will of the People's Republic regarding the image of the board and applies to the shortest term of the Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret ballot, ensuring participation in elections And the valiant defenders of the Motherland, the blood shed in the battlefields now. The Constituent Assembly will also publish the main laws providing the country of the unshakable fundamentals of law, equality and freedom.

Conscious of the whole severity of the municipal disintegration of the people in the godin of serious folk shocks, the temporary government considers it necessary immediately before the convening of the Constituent Assembly, to provide the country with solid norms that protect civil libeys and civil equality, in order to provide all citizens to exercise their spiritual Forces in creative work for the benefit of the Motherland. The government will also be concerned with the establishment of standards providing all citizens equal, on the basis of universal election law, participation in the elections of local governments.

During the release of the people's liberation, the whole country recalls those who in the struggle for their political and religious beliefs fell victim to the vast old power, and the temporary government consider the joyful debt to return with honor from the references and imprisonment of all the sufferers for the benefit of the Motherland.<...>